We Have It in Our Power to Begin the World Over Again
Common Sense
past Thomas Paine
Appendix to the Third Edition
SINCE the publication of the first edition of this pamphlet, or rather, on the same day on which it came out, the king's oral communication made its appearance in this city. Had the spirit of prophecy directed the nascency of this production, it could not have brought information technology forth at a more seasonable juncture, or at a more necessary time. The bloody-mindedness of the 1, shows the necessity of pursuing the doctrine of the other. Men read past way of revenge. And the speech, instead of terrifying, prepared a manner for the manly principles of independence.
Ceremony, and even silence, from whatever motives they may arise, have a hurtful tendency when they requite the to the lowest degree degree of countenance to base and wicked performances, wherefore, if this maxim be admitted, information technology naturally follows, that the king's speech, IS being a piece of finished villany, deserved and still deserves, a general execration, both by the Congress and the people.
Yet, as the domestic tranquillity of a nation, depends greatly on the guiltlessness of what might properly be chosen NATIONAL MANNERS, it is often better to pass some things over in silent disdain, than to make use of such new methods of dislike, equally might introduce the least innovation on that guardian of our peace and safety. And, perhaps, it is chiefly owing to this prudent delicacy, that the king'southward speech communication hath non earlier now suffered a public execution. The speech, if information technology may be called i, is nothing improve than a wilful adventurous libel against the truth, the common proficient, and the existence of flesh; and is a formal and pompous method of offering upwardly human sacrifices to the pride of tyrants.
But this general massacre of mankind, is i of the privileges and the certain consequences of kings, for as nature knows them non, they know not her, and although they are beings of our own creating, they know non us, and are become the gods of their creators. The speech hath one proficient quality, which is, that information technology is non calculated to deceive, neither can we, fifty-fifty if we would, exist deceived past it. Brutality and tyranny announced on the face of it. Information technology leaves us at no loss: And every line convinces, even in the moment of reading, that he who hunts the woods for casualty, the naked and untutored Indian, is less brutal than the king of Britain. Sir John Dalrymple, the putative begetter of a whining jesuitical slice, fallaciously called, "The address of the people of England to the inhabitants of America," hath perhaps from a vain supposition that the people hither were to be frightened at the pomp and description of a rex, given (though very unwisely on his part) the real grapheme of the present one: "But," says this author, "if yous are inclined to pay compliments to an assistants, which we do not mutter of (meaning the Marquis of Rockingham's at the repeal of the Stamp Act) it is very unfair in you lot to withhold them from that prince, by whose NOD ALONE they were permitted to do whatever thing." This is toryism with a witness! Here is idolatry fifty-fifty without a mask: And he who can calmly hear and digest such doctrine, hath forfeited his claim to rationality an apostate from the order of manhood and ought to be considered every bit one who hath not but given up the proper dignity of man, only sunk himself beneath the rank of animals, and contemptibly crawls through the world similar a worm.
However, it matters very little now what the king of England either says or does; he hath wickedly broken through every moral and human obligation, trampled nature and censor beneath his feet, and by a steady and ramble spirit of insolence and cruelty procured for himself an universal hatred. Information technology is now the interest of America to provide for herself. She hath already a large and young family, whom it is more her duty to take intendance of, than to exist granting abroad her belongings to support a ability who is become a reproach to the names of men and christians, whose office it is to watch the morals of a nation, of whatsoever sect or denomination ye are of, as well as ye who are more immediately the guardians of the public liberty, if ye wish to preserve your native country uncontaminated by European abuse, ye must in cloak-and-dagger wish a separation. Simply leaving the moral part to private reflection, I shall chiefly confine my farther remarks to the post-obit heads:
First, That it is the interest of America to exist separated from Great britain.
Secondly, Which is the easiest and most practicable plan, RECONCILIATION or INDEPENDENCE? with some occasional remarks.
In support of the first, I could, if I judged it proper, produce the opinion of some of the ablest and virtually experienced men on this continent: and whose sentiments on that caput, are not nevertheless publicly known. It is in reality a cocky-axiomatic position: for no nation in a land of foreign dependence, limited in its commerce, and cramped and fettered in its legislative powers, can ever arrive at any cloth eminence. America doth non yet know what opulence is; and although the progress which she hath made stands unparalleled in the history of other nations, information technology is just childhood compared with what she would be capable of arriving at, had she, as she ought to have, the legislative powers in her ain easily. England is at this fourth dimension proudly coveting what would do her no good were she to accomplish it; and the continent hesitating on a affair which will exist her last ruin if neglected. It is the commerce and not the conquest of America by which England is to be benefited, and that would in a great measure continue, were the countries every bit independent of each other every bit France and Kingdom of spain; because the specious errors of those who speak without reflecting. And among the many which I accept heard, the post-obit seems the virtually general, viz. that had this rupture happened forty or fifty years hence, instead of now, the continent would take been more able to have shaken off the dependence. To which I reply, that our military machine ability, at this time, arises from the experience gained in the last war, and which in 40 or fifty years' time, would be totally extinct. The continent would not, by that time, have a quitrent reserved thereon will ever lessen, and in fourth dimension will wholly back up, the yearly expense of regime. It matters non how long the debt is in paying, and then that the lands when sold exist applied to the belch of it, and for the execution of which the Congress for the time existence will be the continental trustees.
I keep now to the second head, viz. Which is the easiest and about practicable program, reconciliation or independence; with some occasional remarks.
He who takes nature for his guide, is not easily beaten out of his argument, and on that ground, I answer generally that independence existence a single simple line, contained within ourselves; and reconciliation, a matter exceedingly perplexed and complicated, and in which a treacherous capricious court is to interfere, gives the answer without a doubt.
The present state of America is truly alarming to every man who is capable of reflection. Without law, without authorities, without any other mode of power than what is founded on, and granted by, courtesy. Held together by an unexampled occurrence of sentiment, which is nevertheless bailiwick to modify, and which every surreptitious enemy is endeavoring to deliquesce. Our present condition is, Legislation without police force; wisdom without a plan; a constitution without a name; and, what is strangely astonishing, perfect independence contending for dependence. The instance is without a precedent, the example never existed before, and who tin can tell what may be the issue? The property of no man is secure in the present un-braced system of things. The heed of the multitude is left at random, and seeing no fixed object before them, they pursue such as fancy or opinion presents. Zilch is criminal; there is no such matter as treason, wherefore, every i thinks himself at freedom to act equally he pleases. The Tories would not have dared to assemble offensively, had they known that their lives, by that deed, were forfeited to the laws of the land. A line of stardom should exist fatigued between English soldiers taken in battle, and inhabitants of America taken in arms. The outset are prisoners, but the latter traitors. The one forfeits his liberty, the other his caput.
Nonetheless our wisdom, there is a visible feebleness in some of our proceedings which gives encouragement to dissensions. The continental belt is too loosely buckled: And if something is not done in time, information technology volition be too late to do whatever affair, and we shall autumn into a state, in which neither reconciliation nor independence will be practicable. The king and his worthless adherents are got at their former game of dividing the continent, and in that location are non wanting among u.s.a. printers who will exist busy in spreading specious falsehoods. The aesthetic and hypocritical letter of the alphabet which appeared a few months ago in 2 of the New York papers, and likewise in two others, is an evidence that there are men who want both judgment and honesty.
It is easy getting into holes and corners, and talking of reconciliation: Simply do such men seriously consider how hard the chore is, and how dangerous it may prove, should the continent divide thereon? Exercise they take within their view all the various orders of men whose state of affairs and circumstances, too as their ain, are to exist considered therein? Practise they put themselves in the place of the sufferer whose all is already gone, and of the soldier, who hath quitted all for the defense of his country? If their ill-judged moderation be suited to their own private situations just, regardless of others, the event will convince them that "they are reckoning without their host."
Put united states, say some, on the footing we were in the year 1763: To which I respond, the request is not now in the power of Britain to comply with, neither will she propose information technology; but if it were, and even should be granted, I enquire, equally a reasonable question, Past what means is such a decadent and faithless court to be kept to its engagements? Another parliament, nay, even the nowadays, may futurity repeal the obligation, on the pretence of its being violently obtained, or not wisely granted; and, in that instance, Where is our redress? No going to law with nations; cannon are the barristers of crowns; and the sword, non of justice, merely of war, decides the adjust. To be on the footing of 1763, it is non sufficient, that the laws only be put in the same state, only, that our circumstances also exist put in the aforementioned state; our burnt and destroyed towns repaired or congenital upwardly, our private losses fabricated proficient, our public debts (contracted for defence) discharged; otherwise we shall exist millions worse than we were at that enviable period. Such a asking, had it been complied with a year agone, would have won the heart and soul of the continent, merely now it is too late. "The Rubicon is passed." Besides, the taking up arms, only to enforce the repeal of a pecuniary police, seems every bit unwarrantable by the divine law, and as repugnant to man feelings, equally the taking upward arms to enforce obedience thereto. The object, on either side, doth not justify the means; for the lives of men are too valuable to be bandage away on such trifles. It is the violence which is done and threatened to our persons; the destruction of our belongings by an armed strength; the invasion of our country by fire and sword, which conscientiously qualifies the use of arms: and the instant in which such mode of defence became necessary, all subjection to United kingdom ought to have ceased; and the independence of America should have been considered as dating its era from, and published by, the first musket that was fired confronting her. This line is a line of consistency; neither drawn by caprice, nor extended by ambition; simply produced by a chain of events, of which the colonies were not the authors.
I shall conclude these remarks, with the following timely and well-intended hints. Nosotros ought to reflect, that there are three different means past which an independency may future exist effected, and that one of those iii, volition, i solar day or other, be the fate of America, viz. By the legal phonation of the people in Congress; by a military ability, or by a mob: It may not always happen that our soldiers are citizens, and the multitude a body of reasonable men; virtue, as I have already remarked, is not hereditary, neither is it perpetual. Should an independency be brought most by the start of those means, nosotros take every opportunity and every encouragement before united states, to grade the noblest, purest constitution on the face up of the globe. We have it in our power to begin the earth over again. A situation, similar to the present, hath not happened since the days of Noah until now.
The altogether of a new world is at hand, and a race of men, maybe as numerous as all Europe contains, are to receive their portion of liberty from the events of a few months. The reflection is awful, and in this point of view, how trifling, how ridiculous, practice the picayune paltry cavilings of a few weak or interested men appear, when weighed against the business of a world.
Should we neglect the present favorable and inviting period, and independence be future effected by any other means, we must charge the consequence to ourselves, or to those rather whose narrow and prejudiced souls are habitually opposing the mensurate, without either inquiring or reflecting. In that location are reasons to exist given in support of independence which men should rather privately think of, than be publicly told of. We ought not now to be debating whether we shall exist independent or not, but anxious to achieve it on a firm, secure, and honorable basis, and uneasy rather that it is not all the same began upon. Every mean solar day convinces us of its necessity. Fifty-fifty the Tories (if such beings withal remain amongst the states) should, of all men, exist the most solicitous to promote it; for every bit the appointment of committees at first protected them from pop rage, so, a wise and well established form of government volition be the only certain means of continuing it securely to them. Wherefore, if they have not virtue enough to be WHIGS, they ought to accept prudence enough to wish for independence.
In curt, independence is the only bond that necktie and keep u.s. together. We shall then see our object, and our ears will exist legally shut against the schemes of an intriguing, likewise as savage, enemy. We shall and then, also, exist on a proper basis to treat with Britain; for there is reason to conclude, that the pride of that court will be less hurt by treating with the American States for terms of peace, than with those, whom she denominates "rebellious subjects," for terms of accommodation. It is our delaying in that, encourages her to hope for conquest, and our backwardness tends only to prolong the war. Equally we have, without whatever practiced effect therefrom, withheld our merchandise to obtain a redress of our grievances, allow us at present try the alternative, by independently redressing them ourselves, and so offering to open the merchandise. The mercantile and reasonable part of England, will be still with the states; because, peace, with trade, is preferable to war without it. And if this offer exist not accepted, other courts may be applied to.
On these grounds I residue the affair. And equally no offering hath yet been fabricated to refute the doctrine contained in the former editions of this pamphlet, it is a negative proof, that either the doctrine cannot be refuted, or, that the political party in favor of it are as well numerous to exist opposed. WHEREFORE, instead of gazing at each other with suspicious or hundred-to-one marvel, let each of u.s.a. hold out to his neighbor the hearty hand of friendship, and unite in cartoon a line, which, like an act of oblivion, shall bury in forgetfulness every former dissension. Permit the names of Whig and Tory be extinct; and let none other be heard among united states of america, than those of a good citizen, an open and resolute friend, and a virtuous supporter of the RIGHTS of Flesh, and of the FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES OF AMERICA.
Source: https://www.ushistory.org/Paine/commonsense/sense6.htm
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